The origin point for examining electoral system changes in
Greece is the electoral reform which was passed of Konstantinos Karamanlis in
1974. The primary democratically elected government since 1967 was established
in 1974 under a complicated of ‘reinforced’ proportional representation. The
‘Reinforced’ proportional representation system, as enforced in 1974, was a
multilayer hybrid electoral system that connected components of plurality and
proportionality yet with a benefit to the first-past-the-post party. The voting
method now used in Greece is still described ‘reinforced’ proportionality with
a majority-bonus. The 1974 electoral reform was based on the choosing system
applied in Greece before the dictatorship. In the period before the
dictatorship (1946-1967) the elections in Greece were mainly held under various
forms of proportional representation.

1985 system (Reinforced PR system) Primary Distribution of
Seats: the state is divided into 56 lower districts. chairs are disbanded, in
all lower region, between entire alternatives: independent nominees, single
parties, and cartels of 2 or more parties. The dispersion is made according to
the aggregate count of votes. In regions with size greater or equivalent to 2,
and those are the multi-member regions, chairs are dedicated according to the
Droop quota. In all lower region Droop quota is calculated. the aggregate count
of the valid votes, in all region, disunited by the district size increased by
one (‘sin ena’). The aggregate count of valid votes, for every party, and for
every six regions, is disunited by the Quota of the region. Each party occupies
as many seats, in a district, as many times the quota is contained in the
party’s total valid votes of this district. An independent candidate takes one
seat in a lower district only if its total valid votes in this district is
greater or equal to the droop quota. In a region, the ‘surplus’ chair is
removed from the party with the minimum the remainders. The remainders are the
seats that have not been used for the allocation of the seats. In case two or
more parties have the same remainder, the selection of the party is done randomly.

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Secondary Distribution of Seats: The distribution is carried
out in 9 Major Districts. Each one of them comes from the aggregation of four,
five or even ten lower districts. cartels and single parties of more than 2
parties get the role in the allocation of the chairs, while independent
nominees are excepted.The available seats from the primary distribution are
aggregated in each major district. A new quota is defined in each major
district. It is the rate of the aggregate suffrages, for the parties taking
location in this dispersion, disunited by the respective vestigial chairs in
every great region(Hare). Each party takes as many seats in a district as the
times the quota is contained in the party’s total valid votes of this district.
Parties are dedicated as very chairs as they have won quotas.

Tertiary Distribution of Seats: The parties, which
participate in this distribution, are also those who took part in the secondary
distribution. Therefore independent nominees are excluded. This distribution is
done throughout the state. The remaining seats, in each lower district, are
given to the party that has also the plurality of total votes, in this lower
district, only if this party has achieved the plurality of total valid votes
throughout the state. For the remaining chairs, the rate of the aggregate
suffrages divided by the remaining count of chairs are calculated. Parties are
given as very chairs as they have won quotas (Hare). Any remaining chairs are
given to the party with the maximum percentage of suffrages in the nation

 

Distribution of Seats of State Deputies: The parties, which
participate in this distribution, are those who took part in the secondary
distribution, and also the tertiary distribution. Thus, independent candidates
are excluded. The quota is defined as the ratio of the
total votes in the nation of the parties participating in this distribution
divided by 12 (Hare quota). For the remaining seats the d’ Hondt rule, is
applied.

 

 

 

 

A new legislative framework was introduced in 1990 and was
used in the general election of 1993 and 1996, 2000 and 2004. There has been an
increase in the number of major voters and voting has been resumed. Apart from
that, most of the orders of the presidency were restored. There was also a
change in the number of party candidates and cross-over. And new thresholds
were introduced for parliamentary chairs. In general, the 1990 electoral system
formally restored ‘reinforced’ proportional representation as the official
electoral system in Greece; but, like in all past election years, the
‘reinforced’ proportionality appeared slightly changed. The changes introduced
by the rule were included in the presidential decree defining the legislative
framework for the election of members of parliament.

After a decade, Greece succeeded in achieving the main
objective of economic goal and monetary stability and fulfilled the criteria of
the Maastricht treaty even last. 1996-2000 Parliamentary elections were held in
the 2000 elections, although the Simitis government was seen as a major
success. The 2000 election proved one of the most controversial of post-war
Greek election history. For this reason, election results can be seen as a
reversal of the tendency that emerges in the mid-90s, when the emergence of new
political parties and their rise. The polarization of the party system
confirmed the recent parliamentary elections in March 2004 again. The power
balance between the two main parties recorded in previous elections reversed.
The return of power to the NATO party at this time can be seen as the apparent
political change of the 21st-century invasion of Greece. As a matter of fact,
in the conclusion of the twentieth century, both great Greek political parties
had largely overthrown their political members.

The general elections for 2007 and 2009 came with a new
electoral law that went into effect on February 11, 2004. The election law was
given before the March 2004 elections. It was not used in 2004 but was used in
2007. With this new law, the new legislative framework
“strengthened”, but changes in the distribution of seats were made.
So the new election system automatically gave the majority of the forty-session
premiums to win the election. The electoral reform did not change the
parliamentary dimension, but it changed the distribution of seats. As in
previous elections, 288 deputies are elected in the lower-member electoral
districts and 12 deputies of the State deputies with the vote of the national
closed-list party. Nevertheless, the forty-seat bonus continued to be given
directly to the party, which is the biggest share of the votes. There would be
no change in the distribution of the seats. As in 2007 and 2009 general
elections, districts and districts remained the same as in 2004. A change was
made in the number of references made in the sub-electorate province. The
threshold is 3%. In the 2008 elections, the bonus seat has been increased from
40 to 50 seats, which are divided at the national level by the multilateral
party. For this reason, the total share of each party or party coalition is
multiplied by 250 instead of 260. The product is divided by the sum of the
current votes of the parties or coalitions participating in the seat
allocation. The majority bonus is given to a coalition of parties provided that
the average share of the vote of the coalition parties is greater than the vote
share of the single party with the biggest number of votes. Therefore, the
number of seats to be distributed directly in the lower electoral districts has
been reduced to 238.

During the election of 300 parliament members in 2009, 248
elected from 56 electoral districts consisting of 48 multi and 8 single
electoral districts were selected. And in proportion to the number of votes
from the party list, 12 parliamentarians were elected from the top, and each
party took the game of their own territory. The remaining 40 seats are awarded
as ‘winning’ the party. The 40 ‘award’ seat was designed to increase the
stability of the government through the establishment of a single-party majority
government. However, as explained before, in 2008, parliament agreed to make
changes in the election period to increase the number of awards given to the
winning party to 50. This provision could not be applied in parliamentary
elections in 2009 because the required votes were not taken. Many of the small
parties gathered by the OSCE / ODIHR EAM have criticized the award chair seat
in the electoral system. Some interviewers suggested that the system be
absolutely proportional and that the mixed model, the selection system used in
Germany, be used. There were five voters in every state of the country. The
number of parliamentary seats allocated in each constituency will be determined
by the size of the population as specified in 2001. A deputy party or coalition
must receive at least three percent of the nationwide votes for parliamentary
seats. Independent candidates may have received enough votes to win seats in
some electoral districts. But at least three percent of voting votes across the
country is a major obstacle to the electoral obligation.

In the 2012 elections, the parliament consists of 300
deputies elected for a four-year term with a proportional system of
compensatory seats. Seat removal is complicated; seats are calculated at the
national and also selection level, using the largest remaining Hare-quata
formula. As in the 2009 elections, 238 deputies are elected through the open
list proportional representation system in 56 single and multi-member electoral
districts and 12 “deputies acting as deputies” are elected on closed
party lists in a nationwide electoral district based on the total vote rate. In
addition, every party is awarded 50 prizes in 2012. The system is to ensure and
strengthen the stability of the intended government. As in 2009, OSCE / ODIHR
interventions generally support this system and the stability it provides. They
also expressed concern that the majority of the leading party in the current
political environment failed to achieve and that the margins between the first
and second parties were low. As a result, no independent candidates have been
elected to the parliament since the adoption of the electoral system by the law
adopted in 2004. Therefore, candidates wishing to be elected are obliged to
join political parties or coalitions. It was considered to decrease the number
of independent candidates for these candidates to be selected in accordance
with OSCE commitments and international standards. The number of seats in each
electoral district varied according to the population of each region. And every
ten years these seats were being updated. The last census was held in 2011. On
January 1, 2011, new administrative departments were brought into the
countryside. Now there are 72 regional units corresponding to the old towns except
the Athens region and the islands. So the boundaries of the electoral groups
correspond to the boundaries of the administrative territory. The new
administrative system did not address the question of the long-running voters
in some urban areas.

According to the Greek Constitution, parliament should be
dissolved within 10 days and the early general election should be held because
of the election of the President in the third round.Nevertheless, the experience of the 6 July 2015 referendum
that shook Greek politics, divided Greek society and produced a result which
the Tsipras government failed to respect may advise not only against the
proliferation of referendums as a political instrument but even against their
use within the limits of the current constitution. The polarized nature of
Greek politics has been considered to be one of the key reasons for the failure
of the Greek political system to respond to the crisis that has befallen upon
the country since 2009. While other countries that were similarly hit, such as
Ireland, Portugal, and Spain, could address the crisis through coalition
governments that took unpopular reform decisions and were able to reverse the
recession, Greece was caught in a vicious circle of populist promises by
leading opposition parties that minimized public tolerance towards unpopular
reforms and facilitated their rise to power, but made a complete reversal on
promises inevitable once in power. This further undermined trust in Greek
politics. Lastly, there
is no change in the Greece electoral system in 2015, as in other years,
election threshold 3, the government needs to get 151 seats for the formation
of the government, there are 300 seats in parliament. And finally,
voting age starts at 18.

 

 

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